The characteristics of small-scale and informal service providers

In many parts of the world, small-scale independent providers (SSIPs), and those who often work within the informal sector - have long been the providers of water and waste services to large sections of urban populations.9 Municipalities have, at least implicitly, relied on the range of services that this private sector group has provided, be it water supply through tankers (see Box 6.8), sanitation services by way of vacuum trucks or manual latrine cleaners, or solid waste services through local sweepers and small collection vehicles (see Box 6.9). Despite this important role, municipalities have done little to influence the development of these operations, for good or ill. On the one hand, these independent providers fill gaps in municipal service provision, and their services are in urgent demand. On the other hand they are ignored. Their informality, the vast differences in their standards of service, the constraints of the regulatory context, and the fact that they generally deliver to politically marginalised and perhaps illegal settlements, means that it is easier to overlook their existence than work with them in the supply process.

In terms of the private sector debate, it is notable that small-scale independent providers have been delivering a fully private service to high numbers of poor households for decades. However, rarely do we witness a partnership arrangement in which the municipal (or line) agency is responsible for the urban service, and rarely do we see any official recognition of the role independent providers play within the city. In contrast to the increasing attention being paid to municipal labourers - often a subject of great concern in the formulation of PPPs - the impacts of formal private sector involvement on independent providers are rarely addressed. On the contrary, SSIPs often have their investments expropriated by newly-appointed concessionaires without compensation (see Box 7.11 illustrating the aguateros in Paraguay).

In many cases, the important role played by small-scale independent providers in developing cities has been overlooked in the push to attract the capital investment and managerial skills that come with large-scale operators and long-term contracts. However if municipalities are to work successfully towards an overall poverty strategy, it is absolutely essential that they recognise the complementary roles of these smaller private entrepreneurs. The poverty analysis and the technical analysis of existing services should therefore include a detailed assessment of the existing role and impacts of small-scale service delivery to the city and to poor communities in particular. With this information in hand, municipalities are in a better position to devise arrangements that build on local capacities.

Box 6.10 outlines some of the types and characteristics of small-scale independent providers working in water, sanitation and solid waste services in developing cities. They provide a diverse collection of services in a highly competitive market. Activities tend to focus on activities in the secondary and tertiary sectors (with the exception of borehole operators, or the few small-scale private networks) as small-scale independent providers tend to operate in distribution and collection at the local level; there is a clear distinction between water, sanitation and waste service providers. They rarely provide services in more than one sector.

The small-scale enterprise is typically an informal, independent, subsistence, self-employed or family-based arrangement, managed on a day-to-day basis and providing a service that requires low levels of investment. Most have developed in response to demand; they must win their customers' loyalty, maintain their equipment effectively to maximise their efficiency, and innovate and adapt in order to stay in business in a competitive market.10 As a result they are often knowledgeable about users' ability and willingness to pay, and about the specifics of local conditions - what works and what does not. With the exceptions of those who operate exploitative monopolies, a characteristic of SSIPs is the demand-responsive nature of their service.

Conditions obviously vary according to context, but in terms of water supply, small-scale independent providers frequently work in the expanding peripheral areas of cities. These areas are settled informally and are rarely served by networks. These marginalised poor communities and households require small quantities of water for domestic (and sometimes agricultural) use. They find ways to pay for it, and it is now well established that they are often willing to pay, or have to pay well over the price paid by the non-poor for their water supply. The consumption patterns and the preferences shown by consumers reinforce the need for flexibility, as the livelihood strategies of the poor adjust in accordance with varying incomes and expenditures. Small-scale service providers also serve non-poor customers residing outside the network area, and poor communities in core areas of the city. Many of the inner areas of cities have no access to water due to the unaffordable nature of water connections, the illegality of the settlements, the marginal nature of the land, or the political difficulties of accessing network supply. In a range of Latin American, Asian and African cities, evidence suggests that the ISPs operate a competitive water distribution market for the poor, and they work in parallel with, but rarely in association with the monopolistic, large-scale, private or public sector water operators.

Levels of sanitation services vary considerably throughout the South. Even within Africa, the extensive networks of Southern African cities, such as those found in Zimbabwe, stand in stark contrast to East Africa, where most cities lack sewerage networks. For the overwhelming majority of poor citizens, access to clean and effective sanitation services is limited (generally more limited than water), and SSIPs fill the gaps in this provision. As with solid waste, workers in sanitation services (often called 'conservancy workers' when employed by the government) tend to be very poor themselves; they operate vacuum trucks for the cleaning of septic tanks, or clean latrines manually to remove sludge. The work is poorly paid, has a low status and is detrimental to their health. Other entrepreneurs have established public toilet (or shower) facilities which, apart from providing a service to the general population, provide a safe alternative facility for women and girls, otherwise accustomed to squatting in unsafe neighbouring areas at night.

Solid waste services provided by SSIPs include sweeping, door-to-door collection, area collection by handcarts, rag- picking and recycling. Often, the poor provide these services to the non-poor or better-off poor, who are willing to part with small sums to avoid having to undertake these tasks themselves. Evidence in Hyderabad and Bangalore in India concerning CBOs that arrange for poor householders to collect waste indicates a demand for lane-level solid waste services, and shows that mechanisms can be arranged for payment. In each case, householders paid the waste collector a small monthly fee for the service.

Evidence suggests that a number of factors, closely linked to the informality of SSIPs, constrain their inclusion in government-initiated partnership arrangements. These include:

•  lack of inclusion of SSIPs as stakeholders in the strategic approach to the partnership;

•  lack of legal provision for SSIPs, even in the context of policies encouraging private sector participation;

•  drive to formalise business activity, which can put small-scale operators under financial stress (if taxation systems are biased and they do not have the financial management support necessary to undertake their trade in the formal sector);

•  lack of access to credit or a sound financial base;

•  fear that their efforts will be expropriated in the future;

•  lack of capacity of their customer base (e.g., low levels of literacy, unemployment and the lack of physical wellbeing and empowerment), which makes their clientele vulnerable to crisis;

•  lack of land tenure in the areas serviced by the SSIPs, which means that the type of service they provide is limited;

•  lack of coordination between SSIPs in addressing blockages;

•  lack of SSIP associations that can effectively interact with large-scale operations; and

•  lack of business management skills.

Despite these impediments, SSIPs bring substantial benefits to cities and to poor communities. For instance, they typically:

•  reach the households that formal service providers have failed to reach;

•  reach physically marginal areas (e.g., flooded marshlands, steep hillsides) that are not served by networks or formal providers due to technical constraints on network infrastructure and/or a lack of land tenure;

•  are flexible and can provide, either individually or through market forces, the type of service that customers demand (and can afford);

•  adapt to changing circumstances to ensure they make a profit;

•  are particularly knowledgeable about the constraints of local conditions and communities; and

•  are often efficient due to the high density of the settlement.11

It is important for municipal officials to note that SSIPs already play a role in service provision in their cities. Where they are not exploitative, small-scale providers that fill gaps in existing services represent a significant resource that frequently meets the differentiated needs of poor consumers. Sectoral reform that focuses on increasing private sector involvement should recognise that small-scale providers are an essential part of this sector. The strategy developed for service partnerships should consider, through unbundling approaches, how SSIPs are brought into the partnership in the short, medium and long term, the formal and informal relationships between these partners, and the impacts of this change on the poor. Understanding of what SSIPs provide and why is a key starting point. Over time strategies may also need to define mechanisms for assisting these service providers to find new areas of employment or enhance their businesses, whether through skills training, income generation activities or the development of alternative approaches.

Box 6.9  A Micro-enterprise Profile
Billy Hattingh Solid Waste, South Africa

The Billy Hattingh solid waste removal scheme came about in 1992-93, prior to the South African democratic elections as a result of the relationship between Billy Hattingh (BHA), a local entrepreneur, and two local banks. The objectives of the initiative were to assist in the development of micro-enterprise among black communities in South Africa, to improve environmental conditions for poor communities, to strengthen the communities served, and more generally, to promote the growth of the small and medium enterprise sector in South Africa. The strategy for realising this objective has focused on establishing innovative solid waste micro-enterprise in otherwise unserved urban communities (formerly township areas). The initiative assists unemployed but interested individuals from the previously disadvantaged groups, to work towards the development of an effective and profitable business.

The scheme relies on a facilitator to seek interested local authorities (such as Tygerberg and Greater Alberton) to enter into a tripartite partnership arrangement. This contractual arrangement is between the facilitator (at the outset BHA, now Tedcor), the municipality and the selected solid waste entrepreneur. The aim of this arrangement is to provide a formal structure for local waste services, underpinned by a formal connection to an established entrepreneur. Once a local authority and a community were selected, a steering committee was formed (consisting of local civic leaders, the municipality and Billy Hattingh). This committee is responsible for the selection of the entrepreneur. Candidates must be unemployed and resident in the community to be served, and that they must be willing and able to employ local labour in the business.

Local banks have undertaken to provide financial support for all approved projects facilitated by BHA. The financial support includes a loan for a truck, tractor or trailer and a 30m3 storage container, as well as other necessary appliances and equipment. Maintenance and repairs are carried out by the supplier of the equipment or by a dealer approved by Billy Hattingh. BHA is responsible for the monthly reporting and for ensuring proper financial management of each micro-enterprise. This includes ensuring not only that the loan financing is successfully obtained and repaid, but also that all taxes, personal contributions, compensations, insurances and so on are separately accounted for and used solely for this purpose.

Following a competitive tender, the entrepreneur signs a contract with the municipality undertaking to provide a service in a defined area, and the municipality pays a monthly fee directly to the operator. The municipality retains responsibility for the service and the collection of service payments from residents. The term of the service contract is normally five years. The contract provides strict performance standards outlining the services to be provided, including that the entrepreneur shall collect all waste deposited in designated waste containers from every collection point within the designated area once a week; provide a litter- picking service; sweep and remove all debris and sand from all surfaced roads, footpaths and sidewalks etc.; and that the entrepreneur should deliver and collect waste bags without containers. The liaison committees responsible for monitoring performance include municipal representatives, BHA (now Tedcor), the entrepreneurs and community development forums, and as such communities have been given a defined role in the delivery process.

In order to ensure that entrepreneurs have the capacity to fulfil all the tasks associated with their enterprise, BHA provides training and development services and in the past has provided the technical and financial training necessary. This capacity building is a critical phase in the overall process, improving skills in business management, personnel management, industrial relations and waste and transport management. This training has been developed to suit the nature of micro-enterprise operations.

All stakeholders - communities, council officials, the entrepreneurs, trade unions and the financing banks - have provided positive feedback on the initiative. In Khayelitsha (on the outskirts of Cape Town), prior to the introduction of the initiative by the Tygerberg council, the lack of door-to-door collection and frequent removal of waste from communal skips, combined with illegal dumping and indifferent communities and workers, had resulted in very poor environmental conditions. At this time the cost of a far inferior service was in the order of US$0.30 per service per month, and this has been reduced to US$0.18. Since the micro- enterprise scheme was launched, conditions have improved radically, service is reliable, communities are working in support of a clean neighbourhood, residents are proud to invite people to their homes, former dump sites have been converted into taxi ranks and parks, and the people employed through the initiative are empowered and are now able to provide adequate incomes for their households. The success of the scheme has spread, and a number of councils have entered the scheme, meaning that a large number of solid waste micro-enterprises have been established.

Source: personal interviews with Tedcor; Sindane, 2000

 

Box 6.10 Independent Service Provider Profiles

 

Who are the independent service providers?

Benefits for the poor

Constraints on PPPs

Water services

•  Standpipe operators

•  Water-carters (handcarts, donkey- drawn carts)

•  Water tankers

•  Water resellers

•  Private borehole operators

•  Small network operators

•  Fill a service gap left by formal providers

•  Flexibility and adaptation to local conditions

•  Technical approaches suitable to the community and location

•  Economic options suitable to the community and location

•  Employment comes from the community

•  Money for the service stays close to the community

•  Local entrepreneurial talent is developed

•  Legal uncertainty

•  Lack of recognition of their contributions

•  Risk of investment being expropriated by the concessionaires

•  Usually they are unorganised, which means many relationships (rather than one with a larger company) must be managed

Sanitation services

•  Latrine cleaners

•  Public toilet operators

•  Vacuum truck operators

•  Sludge treatment plant operators

•  Flexibility and adaptation to local conditions

•  Technical approaches suitable to the community and location

•  Economic options suitable to the community and location

•  Employment comes from the community

•  Money for the service stays close to the community

•  Local entrepreneurial talent is developed

•  Risky investment, particularly if large-scale private operators are likely to displace them from the market

•  Legal uncertainty

•  Lack of recognition

•  Work conditions harmful to health

•  Usually they are unorganised, which means many relationships

(rather than one with a larger company) must be managed

Solid waste services

•  Sweepers

•  Collectors

•  Drivers

•  Rag-pickers

•  Service areas that cannot be serviced by conventional city-wide methods

•  Cost effective

•  Affordable

•  Flexible

•  Employment comes from the community

•  Money for the service stays close to the community

•  Local entrepreneurial talent is developed

•  Often not effectively integrated into the city-wide system

•  Often suffer from the lack of access to micro-credit (and technical assistance)

•  Usually they are unorganised, which means many relationships (rather than one with a

larger company) must be managed